旅游管理學(xué)essay代寫范文—Discussion of Tourism in the Caribbean

旅游管理學(xué)essay代寫范文—加勒比旅游討論。本文是一篇留學(xué)生管理專業(yè)的Essay寫作格式參考范文。加勒比海歷來(lái)是人間天堂，鼓勵(lì)消費(fèi)、偷窺和奢侈。旅游業(yè)是許多加勒比國(guó)家最重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)。它存在于一個(gè)以新自由主義資本家和控制加勒比經(jīng)濟(jì)國(guó)家內(nèi)工業(yè)的跨國(guó)壟斷為特征的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)框架內(nèi)。每當(dāng)人們想到旅游業(yè)時(shí)，都必須記住資本積累的殖民模式，因?yàn)槿虿黄降仁沁@種新自由主義努力的中心。因此，加勒比旅游就像一個(gè)多世紀(jì)前的糖一樣——由外國(guó)人和少數(shù)精英控制的單一作物產(chǎn)品，以維持全球資本主義。在旅游業(yè)中，資本主義制度通過獲得加勒比地區(qū)的廉價(jià)勞動(dòng)力、土地、資源和市場(chǎng)而擴(kuò)張。雖然旅游業(yè)在加勒比群島創(chuàng)造了外國(guó)資本和就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)，但它使該行業(yè)的工人邊緣化、商品化、專業(yè)化和貶值。該行業(yè)的大多數(shù)工人被降級(jí)，在正規(guī)部門從事低薪的季節(jié)性工作和失業(yè)，或在非正規(guī)部門從事手工和貿(mào)易工作。以下是管理學(xué)essay范例寫作的全部?jī)?nèi)容，是一篇符合國(guó)外大學(xué)Essay寫作格式要求的范文，供參考。

The Caribbean has a history of being an earthly paradise which encourages consumption, voyeurism and luxury. Tourism is the most important economic activity for many Caribbean economies. It exists within a political and economic framework that is characterized by neoliberal capitalists and transnational monopolies that control the industry within nations of the Caribbean economy. Whenever one thinks of tourism it is essential to keep in mind the colonial pattern of capital accumulation, since global inequality is at the center of this neoliberal endeavor. Therefore, Caribbean tourism represents what sugar signified over a century ago – a monocrop product, controlled by foreigners and a few elites for the maintenance of global capitalism. Within the tourism industry the capitalist system expands by accessing to cheap labor, land, resources, and markets in the Caribbean. While tourism generates foreign capital and employment in Caribbean islands, it marginalizes, commodifies, deskills and devalues workers in the industry. A majority of workers in the industry are relegated, to positions of servitude in low-paid seasonal jobs in the formal sector and unemployment, or craft and trade jobs in the informal sector.

The Caribbean was conceptualized by the first colonizers as “paradise”. However, this Edenic experience for colonizers was made possible through the development of plantations; the opposite of paradise for the colonized Amerindians and later the slaves from the West (Strachan, 2003). Tourism advertisements presents the Caribbean as an exotic place and the region is promoted as accessible and ready to serve the Global North. Caribbean islands must therefore sell themselves and their people to tourists from the Global North in order to earn foreign exchange and remain competitive. Thus, Caribbean tourism relies on the packaging of natural assets such as sun, sand, sea friendly people, music and other cultural forms to support economic growth.  Systematized issues associated with globalization and economic liberalization contributed to the vulnerability of Caribbean islands and reduced them to a state of dependency on countries in the Global North. The shift in the means of production from sugarcane, tobacco, cotton, etc. toward tourism and free-trade meant that Caribbean economies would need funds for tourism development.  Globalization for the Caribbean therefore, meant implementation of economic policies stipulated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) for “stabilization” of the economy and structural adjustment programs for integration in the global market. Tourism became an indispensable part of the plantation since paradise is now determined by the Global North which institutionalizes structures to disempower countries of the Caribbean (Strachan, 2003).

加勒比被第一批殖民者定義為“天堂”。然而，殖民者的這種伊甸園般的體驗(yàn)是通過種植園的發(fā)展而成為可能的;對(duì)被殖民的美洲印第安人以及后來(lái)來(lái)自西部的奴隸來(lái)說，這是天堂的對(duì)立面(Strachan, 2003)。旅游廣告把加勒比地區(qū)描繪成一個(gè)充滿異國(guó)情調(diào)的地方，該地區(qū)被宣傳為觸手可及，隨時(shí)準(zhǔn)備為全球北部服務(wù)。因此，加勒比島嶼必須把自己和他們的人民賣給來(lái)自全球北方的游客，以賺取外匯和保持競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。因此，加勒比旅游依賴于自然資產(chǎn)的包裝，如陽(yáng)光、沙灘、對(duì)海洋友好的人民、音樂和其他文化形式來(lái)支持經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)。與全球化和經(jīng)濟(jì)自由化有關(guān)的系統(tǒng)化問題加劇了加勒比島嶼的脆弱性，使它們淪為依賴全球北方國(guó)家的國(guó)家。生產(chǎn)資料從甘蔗、煙草、棉花等轉(zhuǎn)向旅游業(yè)和自由貿(mào)易意味著加勒比經(jīng)濟(jì)將需要發(fā)展旅游業(yè)的資金。因此，對(duì)加勒比地區(qū)來(lái)說，全球化意味著實(shí)施國(guó)際貨幣基金組織(IMF)和世界銀行(WB)為“穩(wěn)定”經(jīng)濟(jì)而制定的經(jīng)濟(jì)政策，以及為融入全球市場(chǎng)而制定的結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整計(jì)劃。旅游業(yè)成為種植園不可缺少的一部分，因?yàn)樘焯矛F(xiàn)在是由全球北方?jīng)Q定的，它制度化的結(jié)構(gòu)來(lái)剝奪加勒比國(guó)家的權(quán)力(Strachan, 2003)。

Tourism replicates the unequal distribution of power and economic resources between the Global North and islands of the Caribbean (Kincaid, 1988; Strachan, 1995). Kincaid (1988) declares, “Every native of every place is a potential tourist, and every tourist is a native of somewhere. But some natives? most natives in the world? cannot go anywhere. They are too poor. They are too poor to go anywhere”(p. 18-19). Time, resources, economic and political power have been essential in the growth of tourism.  Caribbean governments and the neoliberal States such as, the International Monetary Fund promote tourism as a viable option for economic and social development while the poor, marginalized workers, in host countries, are taught how to be servile in order to satisfy tourist (Enloe, 1990; Alexander, 2005; Jordan, 2003). Tourism thus, shapes cultural and national identity of the people in a fundamental way because of its importance to the economy. It is incorporated into the educational system where people are formally being taught how to be servile this drastically influence how culture is produced. Despite this, Strachan (2003) states that as a coping mechanism there are subtle ways workers in the industry resists servility in the industry just as how slaves resisted on the planation (p. 10).

Tourism ensure that Caribbean countries are economically dependent and vulnerable. This is evident, in the ways transnational corporations use their technology and resources to control tourist arrivals in destination countries in the Caribbean and how spaces are segregated in host countries and controlled by monopoly capitalist. This not only limits access of traders and small business owners in the informal sector to tourist markets but also these exclusive spaces keep tourists from seeing the local poverty that might make them uncomfortable and discourage from staying in the country. The exclusive tourist areas have electricity, sewerage, paved roads, and running water to ensure tourists pleasure and comfort, but basic infrastructure development in Caribbean islands like Jamaica and Antigua remains chaotic, lacks planning, development, and environmental control (Kincaid, 1998). This illustrates where the interest of the government lies; for the tourists.

旅游業(yè)確保了加勒比國(guó)家在經(jīng)濟(jì)上的依賴性和脆弱性?？鐕?guó)公司利用其技術(shù)和資源控制加勒比目的地國(guó)家的旅游人數(shù)，以及東道國(guó)的空間是如何被隔離和由壟斷資本主義控制的，都表明了這一點(diǎn)。這不僅限制了非正規(guī)部門的商人和小企業(yè)主進(jìn)入旅游市場(chǎng)，而且這些專屬空間也使游客看不到當(dāng)?shù)氐呢毨?，這可能會(huì)使他們感到不適，打消留在該國(guó)的意愿。專門的旅游區(qū)有電力、污水、鋪設(shè)的道路和自來(lái)水，以確保游客的樂趣和舒適，但在牙買加和安提瓜等加勒比島嶼的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施發(fā)展仍然混亂，缺乏規(guī)劃、開發(fā)和環(huán)境控制(Kincaid, 1998)。這說明了政府的利益所在;的游客。

Tour operators and the media in the Global North have the ability to control the flow of visitors to the Caribbean islands through the promotion of tourist packages and the news updates. Tourist packages are usually all-inclusive deals that controls the tourist experience from type of transportation to the destination country’s attractions, hotels to restaurants and recreational facilities. Transnational hotels, like the Hilton, also use these amalgamated strategies to strengthen their position in local markets in the Caribbean. These tourism services are purchased online directly from the hotel’s or airline’s website or through third-part websites like as Expedia. Such strategies restrict the participation of local players and keeps profits circulated among companies in the Global North. 

全球北方的旅游經(jīng)營(yíng)者和媒體有能力通過推銷旅游套餐和新聞更新來(lái)控制前往加勒比群島的游客流量。旅游套餐通常是包辦一切的交易，控制著旅游體驗(yàn)，從交通工具類型到目的地國(guó)家的景點(diǎn)，酒店到餐廳和娛樂設(shè)施。像希爾頓這樣的跨國(guó)酒店也使用這些合并戰(zhàn)略來(lái)加強(qiáng)他們?cè)诩永毡鹊貐^(qū)當(dāng)?shù)厥袌?chǎng)的地位。這些旅游服務(wù)可以直接從酒店或航空公司的網(wǎng)站或Expedia等第三方網(wǎng)站購(gòu)買。這種策略限制了當(dāng)?shù)貐⑴c者的參與，并使利潤(rùn)在全球北部的公司之間流通。

There are a number of other operational issues are associated with the susceptibility of Caribbean islands and the hindrances to their benefiting from growth in tourism. A major concern is profit leakage in foreign exchange earnings either through the reparation of profits and income by the transnational company or through the importation of consumer goods that is needed to sustain tourism. This becomes problematic because tourism accounts for a high percentage of Caribbean islands gross nation production and such heavy dependence on one industry makes the islands even more vulnerable to external markets force. Another problem lies with the generous tax concessions and other negotiated conditionalities between the local government and the transnational company or the local government and the IMF, often times leads to stimulated foreign investment with the aims of producing employment, paying off the foreign debt, and generating revenue. However, in the long run this approach will fail to enhance the well-being of the working-class population in the industry as the majority of the population has been relegated to positions of servility in a competitive labor market that provides principally low-paid, seasonal, and unstable jobs as mid and upper level management are usually person from the transnational cooperation. According to Alexander (2005) a country that is driven by foreign currency and its government’s that is complicit with this practice complicity creates a culture defined by its service rather than by its own sense of autonomy and development. Kincaid echoed this sentiment when she stated “The government is for sale; anybody from anywhere can come to Antigua and for a sum of money can get what he wants” (1988, 47). Here, she is highlighting the state of misery and devastation in which Antiguan lives. According to Kincaid this is the remnants of colonialism.

The labor force in the tourism industry is primarily made up of women. Women are virtually absent from supervisory and management positions. Globally, women also experience income disparities as opposed to men at all levels of hotel, catering, and tourism employment. They generally occupy the lower echelons in the tourism labor market, with few career opportunities and low levels of remuneration. Resorts are usually managed by foreigners, many of whom do not appreciate the cultural, social, and economic realities of the host countries in which they work. Workers often times become frustrated by the lack of respect accorded them by for foreigners and the severe competition for the tourist market meant that they could easily be replaced. June Jordan Report from the Bahamas as a middle-class African American tourist in the Bahamas was forced to rethink some of the most commonplace and comfortable assumptions about sisterhood and black solidarity during her encounter with several women in the industry like her maid, the desperate vendors trying to sell her Bahamian trinkets and her encounter with the graduate student. This shows how women in the black community are often invisible and that oppression weakens solidarity.

旅游業(yè)的勞動(dòng)力主要由婦女組成。幾乎沒有女性擔(dān)任監(jiān)督和管理職位。在全球范圍內(nèi)，在酒店、餐飲和旅游業(yè)的各個(gè)層次，女性也面臨著與男性不同的收入差距。他們一般處于旅游勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)的較低梯隊(duì)，職業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)少，薪酬水平低。度假村通常由外國(guó)人管理，他們中的許多人并不欣賞他們工作所在國(guó)的文化、社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)實(shí)。工人們常常因?yàn)橥鈬?guó)人不尊重他們而感到沮喪，而旅游市場(chǎng)的激烈競(jìng)爭(zhēng)意味著他們很容易被取代。來(lái)自巴哈馬的June Jordan Report，一名來(lái)自巴哈馬的中產(chǎn)階級(jí)非裔美國(guó)游客，在遇到了幾位業(yè)內(nèi)女性，比如她的女傭、絕望的小販試圖賣她的巴哈馬小飾品，以及她與研究生的邂逅之后，被迫重新思考關(guān)于姐妹情和黑人團(tuán)結(jié)的一些最常見、最令人滿意的假設(shè)。這表明黑人社區(qū)的女性往往是無(wú)形的，壓迫削弱了團(tuán)結(jié)。

Tourism has its roots in heteropatriarchal capitalism since the 17th century that was exclusive to upper-class European men and later women (Enloe, 2000:21). However, during the 20th century tourism has changed in many respects and has lost its original elitist characteristic.  Tourism is aimed fulfilling the tourist’s expectations and desires without much regard of how it affects the lives of the citizens and the impact on the host country. The imagery of various Caribbean countries as exotic island along with tourists being tended to their every need and handed drinks with tiny umbrellas in them highlights seasonal cultural erosion of the citizens identity. Heteropatriarchal capitalism creates labor hierarchies within hotels. Men are excluded from management, but gender stereotypes also give them access to positions with more opportunities for gratuities, such as bartender and luggage handler. Women, in contrast, are employed in gender-designated positions of domesticity such as housekeeping. There are few opportunities for resort workers to participate directly and independently in the tourism economy. To escape this dilemma, many cultivate relationships of companionship, friendship, and romance with tourists and other foreigners as a way to access the global economy, travel to the global North, and improve their lives and that of their families. (Cliff and Carter, 2010). Many relationships between local women and foreign men are affective relations with economic activity, but others emphasize payment for sexual services.

旅游業(yè)起源于17世紀(jì)以來(lái)的異父權(quán)資本主義，這是歐洲上流社會(huì)男性和后來(lái)的女性獨(dú)有的(Enloe, 2000:21)。然而，在20世紀(jì)，旅游業(yè)在許多方面發(fā)生了變化，失去了原來(lái)的精英特征。旅游的目的是滿足游客的期望和愿望，而不太考慮它如何影響公民的生活和對(duì)東道國(guó)的影響。各種加勒比國(guó)家都是充滿異國(guó)情調(diào)的島嶼，游客們被照顧到他們的每一個(gè)需求，拿著小雨傘遞給他們飲料，這凸顯了公民身份的季節(jié)性文化侵蝕。異父資本主義在酒店內(nèi)部創(chuàng)造了勞動(dòng)等級(jí)制度。男性被排除在管理之外，但性別刻板印象也讓他們有機(jī)會(huì)獲得更多小費(fèi)的職位，比如調(diào)酒師和行李搬運(yùn)工。相比之下，婦女被雇用在性別指定的家庭工作，如家務(wù)。旅游從業(yè)者直接、獨(dú)立參與旅游經(jīng)濟(jì)的機(jī)會(huì)很少。為了擺脫這種困境，許多人與游客和其他外國(guó)人建立友誼、友誼和浪漫的關(guān)系，以此作為進(jìn)入全球經(jīng)濟(jì)、前往全球北部旅行、改善自己和家人生活的一種方式。(Cliff和Carter, 2010)。當(dāng)?shù)嘏院屯鈬?guó)男性之間的許多關(guān)系是與經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)有關(guān)的情感關(guān)系，但其他一些關(guān)系強(qiáng)調(diào)的是性服務(wù)的報(bào)酬。

References

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